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East Asia

Youth in Hong Kong: A Fight for Identity

This article originally appeared in The Generation Spring 2020 print edition. The theme for this edition is “Youth Voices.” A link to our online version of the print publication can be found here: https://www.flipsnack.com/thegen/the-generation-spring-2020.html

Over five centuries ago, Niccolò Machiavelli, renowned political scientist and author of The Prince, once observed that Republics were among the most difficult to establish control over in the face of an authoritarian conqueror. He noted that those that come into control of “a city accustomed to freedom” and do not “destroy it, may expect to be destroyed by it.” This is because “in rebellion, it has always the watchword of liberty and its ancient privileges as a rallying point, which neither time nor benefits will ever cause it to forget.”[i]

The anti-government protests sparked in Hong Kong this past summer are reminiscent of this observation. As millions have taken to the streets to reject what they see as an erosion of their freedom, the youth leading the charge represent a simple fact: people who have lived their entire lives under a free society will be staunch in rejecting anything they see as an external threat to it.

The protests were sparked in the wake of a proposed bill that would have enabled extradition to mainland China.[ii] Hong Kong, a longtime colony of the British Empire, was ceded back to China in 1997. Upon its return to mainland China, the former colony was granted a separate governing and economic system for a period of 50 years.[iii] Protesters viewed the bill as a wake-up call over the Special Administrative Region’s future as an enclave of freedom within a country increasingly instituting sharper forms of repression.[iv]

Many saw the bill in a larger picture: a slow, concerted effort to erode Hong Kong’s autonomy. Over a year onward, the demonstrations have snowballed into broader calls for democratic reform and vocalized opposition to officials in Beijing.[v] All of this being a far-cry from the now abandoned extradition bill.

The mass movements are overwhelmingly composed of young people. It is estimated that 60 percent of them are under the age of 30.[vi] Universities within Hong Kong have also been the center for some of the most confrontational and dramatic scenes of the protests.[vii] In November 2019, it was estimated that around 4.500 people had been detained since the protests began.[viii]

Views and perceptions of the Mainland have plummeted to all-time lows in Hong Kong. At the site of the siege of an airport in August 2019, a pamphlet that protesters were handing out to passersby’s read, “the Communist Party has increasingly encroached on HK’s territory” and intervened “in internal affairs of Hong Kong,” explaining that they were fighting “to preserve what makes this city our home.”[ix]

The youth of Hong Kong, having lived their entire lives separate from Chinese rule, view today as an inflection point in which their civil liberties are beginning to be eclipsed and eroded by the encroaching, authoritarian nature of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

It is a generation that has come of age during a time when China has grown more assertive, powerful, and repressive with the transformative leadership of Xi Jinping, the country’s current President and leader of the CCP.[x]

Beijing is cognizant of this reality. Attempting to establish any semblance of unity or common identity in a populace conditioned to liberal values of individual freedom, liberty, and the rule of law is destined to provoke a countervailing reaction that can unleash forces outside of the control of Beijing.

This is perhaps the root of the conundrum that the “one country, two systems” approach poses. Beijing crafted the policy in an effort to eventually achieve full unification while pushing off sensitive questions such as terms of governance and levels of freedom. Its institution poses systemic problems when these tough questions must eventually be answered. In the case of both Hong Kong and Taiwan, a generation completely detached from mainland China will be placed in a position to vehemently oppose any prospect of unification and will be prepared to fight tooth-and-nail to protect the freedom they’ve become accustomed to and lived under their entire lives.[xi] Even veiled threats to it, as the case in Hong Kong demonstrates, can awaken a segment of the population which has no trust, allegiance or faith in Beijing. In 2019, the Hong Kong Research Institute noted that virtually no one under the age of 30 in Hong Kong self-identified as Chinese.[xii]

There is evidence that officials in Beijing comprehend this and are looking to implement long-term remedies for it. Imposing a more nationalist education aims to condition a new generation into becoming more pro-China.[xiii] Their assessment is that liberal educators have indoctrinated an entire generation of youth to oppose mainland China. If a rapprochement of education is effectively instituted, Beijing hopes that future generations coming of age by 2047 (when the terms of Hong Kong’s arrangement expires) will be more inclined to accept an end to the one country, two systems approach without much defiance. Beijing will also continue to aggressively push for the election and appointment of pro-China lawmakers within the special administrative region.

Today, the youth of Hong Kong are leading a fight and rejection of authoritarianism. Their actions have sparked a strong sense of sympathy and support throughout much of the free world.[xiv] From harkening back to Martin Luther King Jr’s take on injustice, to calling out the iconic phrase “give me liberty, or give me death!” in streets lined with tear gas and police in riot gear, Hong Kong’s youth have sent a clear message to Beijing.[xv]

These recent events have led them to a state of deep reflection which has drawn many to forge an identity with a powerful rallying call: “Hong Kong is not China” – at least not anymore in the eyes of a newly empowered youth.[xvi]

[i] Machiavelli Niccolò, and M.K Marriott. The Prince. San Bernardino, CA: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2017.

[ii] Cohen, Jerome A. “The Crisis in Hong Kong: What to Know.” Council on Foreign Relations. Council on Foreign Relations, August 13, 2019. https://www.cfr.org/in-brief/crisis-hong-kong-what-know.

[iii] Blakemore, Erin. “How Hong Kong’s Complex History Explains Its Current Crisis with China.” National Geographic, August 13, 2019. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/culture/topics/reference/hong-kong-history-explain-relationship-china/.

[iv] Roth, Kenneth. “World Report 2019: Rights Trends in China.” Human Rights Watch, January 17, 2019. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/china-and-tibet.

[v] John, Tara. “Why Hong Kong Is Protesting.” CNN. Cable News Network, August 30, 2019. https://www.cnn.com/2019/08/13/asia/hong-kong-airport-protest-explained-hnk-intl/index.html.

[vi] “Young, Educated, Middle Class: Study Reveals Protester Demographics.” South China Morning Post, August 12, 2019. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3022345/young-educated-and-middle-class-first-field-study-hong-kong.

[vii] Russolillo, Steven, and Joyu Wang. “Hong Kong Protests Take Over Universities, Business District.” The Wall Street Journal. Dow Jones & Company, November 12, 2019. https://www.wsj.com/articles/protests-take-over-hong-kong-universities-business-district-11573551681.

[viii] Cheung, Gary. “Nearly 4,500 Hongkongers Arrested over Protests so Far.” South China Morning Post, November 18, 2019. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3038275/hong-kong-protests-police-arrested-nearly-4500-people.

[ix] Schuman, Michael. “Hong Kong Shows the Flaws in China’s Zero-Sum Worldview.” The Atlantic. Atlantic Media Company, August 13, 2019. https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/08/hong-kong-flaws-china-world-view/595960/

[x] Yu, Verna. “Children of the Revolution: the Hong Kong Youths Ready to ‘Sacrifice Everything’.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, December 15, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/dec/15/children-of-the-revolution-the-hong-kong-youths-ready-to-sacrifice-everything.

[xi] Ibid.

[xii] “Almost Nobody in Hong Kong under 30 Identifies as ‘Chinese.’” The Economist. The Economist Newspaper, August 26, 2019. https://www.economist.com/graphic-detail/2019/08/26/almost-nobody-in-hong-kong-under-30-identifies-as-chinese.

[xiii] Wong, Chun Han, and Philip Wen. “China Pushes to Integrate Hong Kong Through Patriotic Education, Security Overhauls.” The Wall Street Journal. Dow Jones & Company, November 1, 2019. https://www.wsj.com/articles/china-pushes-to-integrate-hong-kong-through-patriotic-education-security-overhauls-11572617038.

[xiv] Smith, Christopher H. “H.R.3289 – 116th Congress (2019-2020): Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019.” Congress.gov, October 16, 2019. https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-bill/3289.

[xv] YouTube, October 2, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dLY9BQsd_As.

[xvi] Zaharia, Marius. “’Now or Never’: Hong Kong Protesters Say They Have Nothing to Lose.” Reuters. Thomson Reuters Corp., August 28, 2019. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong-protests-radicals/now-or-never-hong-kong-protesters-say-they-have-nothing-to-lose-idUSKCN1VH2JT.

June 4, 2020 0 comment

Asia Featured Security Security and Conflict Society and Culture

Taiwan’s East Asia Peaceful Initiative

written by thegeneration

by Chiaming Shen
Contributing Writer

Recently, the territorial dispute between Taipei, Beijing and Tokyo over the Diaoyutai (Senkaku) Islands in the East China Sea has been escalating. Noda Akihito, the former premier of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), initiated the Diaoyutai Islands “nationalization plan,” prompting the Taiwanese government to launch an official protest. Taiwanese fishing boats sailed to the Diaoyutai Islands along with the vessels of Coast Guard Administration (CGA) to protect fishing rights and territorial claims. At the same time, a series of anti-Japanese demonstrations erupted in Mainland China as military tension between Japan and China continues to rise. The political deadlock has raised widespread concern and harmed both regional stability and the progress of free trade in East Asia.

On August 5, 2012, Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou proposed an “East China Sea Peace Initiative” to resolve the deadlock in the region . According to the initiative, while the sovereignty of Diaoyutai (Senkaku) Islands belongs to Taiwan, the Taiwanese government is willing to cooperate with Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in order to exploit the area’s resources. The initiative proposes that through talks and negotiations, confidence-building measures (CBMs) could be established in order to avoid potential military conflicts. President Ma has suggested that such negotiations should be institutionalized in a similar manner to the six-party talks over the Korean Peninsula.

Initially, President Ma suggests the East China Sea Peace Initiative talks should be bilateral, between Taiwan and Japan in order to create consensus on controversial issues (including sovereignty and fishing rights). In fact, Taiwan signed an agreement over fishing rights with Japan in April of 2013. Through mutual trust and negotiation, the talks could then be extended trilaterally to include Taiwan, Mainland China and Japan. In an attempt to avoid the deadlock in traditional “first track” diplomacy, scholars and experts in international law and economics could exchange ideas via “second track” academic and diplomatic exchange. This practice could help to resolve the issues of mutual acknowledgement and sovereignty disputes in cross-strait relationships while officials in the first track would continue to play an important role in signing official accords in fishing rights and resource exploitation. Second track diplomatic efforts would create a platform to exchange ideas, while the first track would remain a meaningful symbol of regional peace and mutual trust.

In 2002, the PRC signed the “Declaration on the Code of Conduct on the South China Sea” with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The declaration was based on the United Nations “Convention on the Law of the Sea.” However, Taiwan is not party to ASEAN due to opposition from the PRC—as such, Taiwan’s claims to the islands currently receive no recognition. Even the sovereignty of Taiping Island (the largest island in the South China Sea) is disputed, which is why second track diplomatic efforts are so important to Taiwan and the region as a whole. As such, the East China Sea Peace Initiative should be promoted in the same framework as the Taiwan Relation Act (TRA) and the US-Japan alliance. Above all, promoting this initiative to international society should be considered a first priority, and should be carried out through rigorous public diplomacy.

In fact, the PRC has previously reached a consensus on mutual exploitation in the East China Sea with Japan during the Hu-Fukuda era (2007/9-2008/9). Both states also signed an agreement to promote Sino-Japanese strategic and mutually beneficial relationships. Taiwan was also excluded from these mutual, multilateral talks because Taiwan did not have official diplomatic relations with Japan. This may be one reason why President Ma has chosen to emphasize the current peace initiative. Some negotiations are already under way between Taiwan and Japan, but are limited to discussions over fishing rights (the Diaoyutai Islands have been the most important fishing fields for Taiwanese fishermen since the Japanese occupation during the Second World War).

However, just as Randy Schriver, former US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian Affairs has stated, “The US could not fulfill its defense obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) without the US-Japan alliance.” Taiwan, as a small power in the international realm needs to take the structure of great powers, such as the PRC, the US and Japan into consideration. In this kind of issue, it is better to be rational and practical, rather than to appeal to populist domestic considerations. Populism and nationalism might win support domestically, but would not be beneficial for regional peace and the national interest, hence President Ma’s diplomatic and sensitive proposal.

Any discussion over sovereignty in the region is contentious. The notion of national sovereignty is a vital concept in the Westphalian system and has been reinforced by the charter of the United Nations. From the Taiwanese perspective, the Diaoyutai islands constitute a part of continental shelf of Taiwan and as such, following the UN Law of the Sea, the sovereignty of these islands should belong to Taiwan. However, it could be beneficial to re-define the modern notion of sovereignty. For example, the European Union (EU) has removed internal borders and formed an economic and monetary union. Member states within the EU lose some aspects of their national sovereignty, but they also gain a number of benefits from enhanced regional stability.

This regional integration has gone hand in hand with increased economic interdependence, and may point the way forward for other regions. For example, the territorial disputes over the North Sea Oil Fields are a potential template for resolutions in East Asia. In 1969, Germany had their territorial claim validated under a judgment from the International Court of Justice (ICJ); however, Germany still cooperated with Denmark and Netherlands to exploit the oil field jointly in the North Sea. Brent crude has become a symbol of regional peace and cooperation. The issue of sovereignty in the era of international economic interdependence is no longer a zero-sum game, as such cooperation to exploit oil resources demonstrates. Economic integration can have a positive spillover effect, potentially helping to reduce the possibilities of military conflict. It is never too late to discuss building up the East Asian community in a similar manner to the EU.

The complex and often painful history of the region, while important, should not be the starting point for future discussions amongst potential regional partners. In Europe, the past rivals in WWII, French and Germany were the core founding members of EU. In a similar fashion, through peaceful talks and negotiations, President Ma’s proposed East China Sea Peace Initiative could become a milestone of regional stability in East Asia. The initiative could be used as a template for other disputed regions as well, such as the South China Sea territorial dispute between Taiwan and the Philippines. Taiwan has much to offer in regards to promoting regional progress, and should continue to share positive ideas with other countries in order to play a more active role in the regional peace.

Chiaming Shen attended the UCLA Summer Session in 2013, and is a Masters candidate in East Asian studies from the National Chengchi University in Taipei, Taiwan.

September 5, 2013 1 comment