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Hong Kong Pro-Democracy Movement

Youth in Hong Kong: A Fight for Identity

This article originally appeared in The Generation Spring 2020 print edition. The theme for this edition is “Youth Voices.” A link to our online version of the print publication can be found here: https://www.flipsnack.com/thegen/the-generation-spring-2020.html

Over five centuries ago, Niccolò Machiavelli, renowned political scientist and author of The Prince, once observed that Republics were among the most difficult to establish control over in the face of an authoritarian conqueror. He noted that those that come into control of “a city accustomed to freedom” and do not “destroy it, may expect to be destroyed by it.” This is because “in rebellion, it has always the watchword of liberty and its ancient privileges as a rallying point, which neither time nor benefits will ever cause it to forget.”[i]

The anti-government protests sparked in Hong Kong this past summer are reminiscent of this observation. As millions have taken to the streets to reject what they see as an erosion of their freedom, the youth leading the charge represent a simple fact: people who have lived their entire lives under a free society will be staunch in rejecting anything they see as an external threat to it.

The protests were sparked in the wake of a proposed bill that would have enabled extradition to mainland China.[ii] Hong Kong, a longtime colony of the British Empire, was ceded back to China in 1997. Upon its return to mainland China, the former colony was granted a separate governing and economic system for a period of 50 years.[iii] Protesters viewed the bill as a wake-up call over the Special Administrative Region’s future as an enclave of freedom within a country increasingly instituting sharper forms of repression.[iv]

Many saw the bill in a larger picture: a slow, concerted effort to erode Hong Kong’s autonomy. Over a year onward, the demonstrations have snowballed into broader calls for democratic reform and vocalized opposition to officials in Beijing.[v] All of this being a far-cry from the now abandoned extradition bill.

The mass movements are overwhelmingly composed of young people. It is estimated that 60 percent of them are under the age of 30.[vi] Universities within Hong Kong have also been the center for some of the most confrontational and dramatic scenes of the protests.[vii] In November 2019, it was estimated that around 4.500 people had been detained since the protests began.[viii]

Views and perceptions of the Mainland have plummeted to all-time lows in Hong Kong. At the site of the siege of an airport in August 2019, a pamphlet that protesters were handing out to passersby’s read, “the Communist Party has increasingly encroached on HK’s territory” and intervened “in internal affairs of Hong Kong,” explaining that they were fighting “to preserve what makes this city our home.”[ix]

The youth of Hong Kong, having lived their entire lives separate from Chinese rule, view today as an inflection point in which their civil liberties are beginning to be eclipsed and eroded by the encroaching, authoritarian nature of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

It is a generation that has come of age during a time when China has grown more assertive, powerful, and repressive with the transformative leadership of Xi Jinping, the country’s current President and leader of the CCP.[x]

Beijing is cognizant of this reality. Attempting to establish any semblance of unity or common identity in a populace conditioned to liberal values of individual freedom, liberty, and the rule of law is destined to provoke a countervailing reaction that can unleash forces outside of the control of Beijing.

This is perhaps the root of the conundrum that the “one country, two systems” approach poses. Beijing crafted the policy in an effort to eventually achieve full unification while pushing off sensitive questions such as terms of governance and levels of freedom. Its institution poses systemic problems when these tough questions must eventually be answered. In the case of both Hong Kong and Taiwan, a generation completely detached from mainland China will be placed in a position to vehemently oppose any prospect of unification and will be prepared to fight tooth-and-nail to protect the freedom they’ve become accustomed to and lived under their entire lives.[xi] Even veiled threats to it, as the case in Hong Kong demonstrates, can awaken a segment of the population which has no trust, allegiance or faith in Beijing. In 2019, the Hong Kong Research Institute noted that virtually no one under the age of 30 in Hong Kong self-identified as Chinese.[xii]

There is evidence that officials in Beijing comprehend this and are looking to implement long-term remedies for it. Imposing a more nationalist education aims to condition a new generation into becoming more pro-China.[xiii] Their assessment is that liberal educators have indoctrinated an entire generation of youth to oppose mainland China. If a rapprochement of education is effectively instituted, Beijing hopes that future generations coming of age by 2047 (when the terms of Hong Kong’s arrangement expires) will be more inclined to accept an end to the one country, two systems approach without much defiance. Beijing will also continue to aggressively push for the election and appointment of pro-China lawmakers within the special administrative region.

Today, the youth of Hong Kong are leading a fight and rejection of authoritarianism. Their actions have sparked a strong sense of sympathy and support throughout much of the free world.[xiv] From harkening back to Martin Luther King Jr’s take on injustice, to calling out the iconic phrase “give me liberty, or give me death!” in streets lined with tear gas and police in riot gear, Hong Kong’s youth have sent a clear message to Beijing.[xv]

These recent events have led them to a state of deep reflection which has drawn many to forge an identity with a powerful rallying call: “Hong Kong is not China” – at least not anymore in the eyes of a newly empowered youth.[xvi]

[i] Machiavelli Niccolò, and M.K Marriott. The Prince. San Bernardino, CA: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2017.

[ii] Cohen, Jerome A. “The Crisis in Hong Kong: What to Know.” Council on Foreign Relations. Council on Foreign Relations, August 13, 2019. https://www.cfr.org/in-brief/crisis-hong-kong-what-know.

[iii] Blakemore, Erin. “How Hong Kong’s Complex History Explains Its Current Crisis with China.” National Geographic, August 13, 2019. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/culture/topics/reference/hong-kong-history-explain-relationship-china/.

[iv] Roth, Kenneth. “World Report 2019: Rights Trends in China.” Human Rights Watch, January 17, 2019. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/china-and-tibet.

[v] John, Tara. “Why Hong Kong Is Protesting.” CNN. Cable News Network, August 30, 2019. https://www.cnn.com/2019/08/13/asia/hong-kong-airport-protest-explained-hnk-intl/index.html.

[vi] “Young, Educated, Middle Class: Study Reveals Protester Demographics.” South China Morning Post, August 12, 2019. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3022345/young-educated-and-middle-class-first-field-study-hong-kong.

[vii] Russolillo, Steven, and Joyu Wang. “Hong Kong Protests Take Over Universities, Business District.” The Wall Street Journal. Dow Jones & Company, November 12, 2019. https://www.wsj.com/articles/protests-take-over-hong-kong-universities-business-district-11573551681.

[viii] Cheung, Gary. “Nearly 4,500 Hongkongers Arrested over Protests so Far.” South China Morning Post, November 18, 2019. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3038275/hong-kong-protests-police-arrested-nearly-4500-people.

[ix] Schuman, Michael. “Hong Kong Shows the Flaws in China’s Zero-Sum Worldview.” The Atlantic. Atlantic Media Company, August 13, 2019. https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/08/hong-kong-flaws-china-world-view/595960/

[x] Yu, Verna. “Children of the Revolution: the Hong Kong Youths Ready to ‘Sacrifice Everything’.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, December 15, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/dec/15/children-of-the-revolution-the-hong-kong-youths-ready-to-sacrifice-everything.

[xi] Ibid.

[xii] “Almost Nobody in Hong Kong under 30 Identifies as ‘Chinese.’” The Economist. The Economist Newspaper, August 26, 2019. https://www.economist.com/graphic-detail/2019/08/26/almost-nobody-in-hong-kong-under-30-identifies-as-chinese.

[xiii] Wong, Chun Han, and Philip Wen. “China Pushes to Integrate Hong Kong Through Patriotic Education, Security Overhauls.” The Wall Street Journal. Dow Jones & Company, November 1, 2019. https://www.wsj.com/articles/china-pushes-to-integrate-hong-kong-through-patriotic-education-security-overhauls-11572617038.

[xiv] Smith, Christopher H. “H.R.3289 – 116th Congress (2019-2020): Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019.” Congress.gov, October 16, 2019. https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-bill/3289.

[xv] YouTube, October 2, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dLY9BQsd_As.

[xvi] Zaharia, Marius. “’Now or Never’: Hong Kong Protesters Say They Have Nothing to Lose.” Reuters. Thomson Reuters Corp., August 28, 2019. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong-protests-radicals/now-or-never-hong-kong-protesters-say-they-have-nothing-to-lose-idUSKCN1VH2JT.

June 4, 2020 0 comment

Asia Featured Geopolitics Security and Conflict

Put Away the Umbrellas in Hong Kong Streets

written by Yui Komuro

Will the “pan-democrat” camp of Hong Kong (HK) settle for anything short of “democracy” and “political sovereignty” from mainland China? Can there be a fair compromise? What influence still remains of the slogan “one country, two systems,” in 2014?

These and other unsettling questions have been propagating within pan-democrat HK residents, setting fire to pro-democracy movements referred to as the “Umbrella Revolution,” organized by prominent activist groups like “Occupy Central with Love and Peace.” The Umbrella Revolution in HK started with its nonviolent civil disobedience demonstration against Chinese electoral interference in HK in 2002, and retained momentum to this day. In July 2014 demonstrators on the streets taking part in “Occupy Central” were able to convince 800,000 residents of HK to join an informal voting demonstration in efforts to publicly show their disapproval of the current non- democratic electoral system. Although their referendum was dismissed by Beijing as illegitimate and illegal, such movements were also seen as threatening and disrupting to the financial hub of HK, alarming big investors and the big four accounting firms.

Hong Kong was released from British colonial rule 17 years ago, and discontent has been boiling up among the HK residents ever since. They have been forced to waive their rights to fairly choose their own chief executives for the city, giving this power instead to the Politburo of the Communist Party of China. Many pro-democracy activists question the political significance of HK’s Basic Law which has served as the legitimate constitutional document for order in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) since it is supposed to guarantee “a high degree of autonomy,” “Hong Kong People administering Hong Kong,” and a “capitalist society.” Nonetheless, to this day, Beijing has completely denied the formation of a democratic electoral system in HK.

The release of the White Paper by Beijing in June 2014 symbolized a major turning point in the relationship between HK and the Chinese central government. This government proposal outlined several striking justifications for Beijing’s imposition on HK’s electoral and governmental affairs. Li Fei, the deputy secretary general of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, boldly stated that HK would become chaotic if HK were given the right to nominate 2 to 3 candidates for the Chief Executive (CE) position in 2017. Another justification from the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress read that “One country, two systems”is a holistic concept. As a unitary state, China’s central government has comprehensive jurisdictionover HKSAR. The high degree of autonomy of HKSAR is not an inherent power, but one that comes solely from the authorization by the central leadership.”

Unfortunately, in August this year HK lost its only chance at open nominations of CE candidates when The National People’s Congress Standing Committee in Beijing claimed authority over the case.This setback is inconsistent with the Sino-British Joint Declaration (1984), which clearly promised the citizens of Hong Kong a level of autonomy separate from mainland China as one of the conditions for China resuming the exercise of sovereignty in HK. The future of a fully democratic HK looks very bleak at this point.

Many pragmatic activists and businessmen have voiced their opinion that public demonstrations like “Occupy Central” do more harm than good. The city attracts many foreigners to do business; just last year, roughly 63 percent of all foreign direct investment that came into mainland China was through HK. The simple tax structure, liberal economic policies based on free trade, legal system that is geared toward supporting business owners, and reliable infrastructure make HK a very attractive place to invest in. However, keeping foreign investors and businesses in a country requires political stability and therule of law in the region, something that mainland Chinese and some Hong Kong residents believe is deteriorating.

Business leaders and investors alike know HK as one of Asia’s prime financial hubs of international business transactions. Due to rigorous economic competition around the world, as soon as word spread that HK was politically unstable, other major cities in the Asia-Pacific Region such as Tokyo tried to snatch up the opportunity to sell itself as a stable and free alternative place to do business. In addition, many investors see Singapore as a great alternative of HK. Political instability could have very real and devastating implications in HK, enough to demote it as one of Asia’s economic capitals and harm its international image.

Because of HK’s important role in the global economy, many key nations have taken action to condemn the way Beijing has been treating the peaceful protesters. Great Britain has held bilateral conversations with China to reach an agreement not to use force against protesters, to avoid stationing troops in the city, and to propose revisions to the Basic Law. The United States along with other Western allies have sent disapproving messages by refusing any military negotiations with China, although these Western countries are taking care to avoid economic sanctions. This shows that universal suffrage in HK is not only a domestic issue, but is a transnational issue that must be resolved. Many political scientists predict that political sovereignty in Taiwan will vanish next if China continues to fail to deliver its promises to the people of Hong Kong. China is most likely going to further tighten its grip on Tibet and Xinjiang to control its separatist movements as well.

Other wealthy democratic nations such as Japan and South Korea should mediate productive talks between Beijing and the pan-democrat camp in HK. The international community must address the growing fear in HK pro-democracy activists that they will never have “checks and balances” on the chief executive and the administration. Many left-wing groups in HK also fear that their right to freedom of speech and of association will be threatened, along with other crucial civil rights. The deterioration of the current flexible and independent judiciary system is a legitimate concern as well.

This year the symbol of this pro-democracy movement is an umbrella, which shields non-violent protestors from tear gas and pepper spray police crackdowns. Photography and videos of such violence in a supposedly peaceful protest in HK has been blowing up in the media, threatening the movement’s practicality and questioning the rationality behind it all. While democracy and autonomy in HK are solid reasons worth fighting for, it is difficult to ignore the negative effects of the protests on tourism, business, and everyday life.

It seems for now that the protestors on the streets should pause protesting on the streets and carefully map out their next big move. The people of HK must convince multilateral corporations and big foreign investors that HK’s political sovereignty is in their best interests to get their support. They must be bold enough to claim that an imposition by a country that supports state capitalism will eventually limit their horizons. They should take advantage of the 2017 Chief Executive Election as the next most politically significant event to get more citizens involved to effectively make a bold statement, that enough is enough.