The 2022 World Cup is now just days away. As one of the largest and most watched sporting events across the globe–sports, nationalism, commerce, and diplomacy remain inextricably linked to the tournament. Extreme costs incurred by taxpayers, security issues, and corruption have long been controversial aspects of the host selection process and the preparations for the event. However, the build-up to this year’s tournament has been especially mired by controversy with rampant human rights abuses and lurking geopolitical tensions. Even FIFA’s original decision in 2010 to name Qatar the host country was met with a clamor of criticism. Qatar’s team had never previously qualified for the World Cup, and many questioned why the tiny gulf nation that endures extreme heat and has a population of less than 3 million was ever selected to be the host.
The biggest controversy in the run-up however, has been the criticism against Qatar for its restriction of personal liberties and its shoddy track record of human rights. The exploitation of migrant workers in Qatar has been widespread since the mid-20th century when the Kafala labor sponsorship system first emerged, but the World Cup coming to Qatar has only further highlighted this exploitative system. So while Qatar had originally viewed the World Cup as an opportunity to increase its international stature and gain influence with powerful partners, they are now facing various struggles to actualize their soft power goals. As the tournament draws near, it is apparent that these lofty ambitions may have backfired for them. So how and why did Qatar get selected as the host country in the first place?
The answer comes down to two simple facts. First, on the side of FIFA, the Middle East presents itself as a lucrative investment opportunity to reach new audiences and increase revenues, with Qatar’s deep pockets making it a desirable partner in these efforts. Top FIFA officials seek to line their pockets by pursuing these deals via corrupt methods. Sepp Blatter, the FIFA president who oversaw the Qatar selection, was forced to step down in 2015 amid corruption charges. A plague of scandals by Blatter and his predecessor João Havelange have revealed the level of graft and cheating within international sports as well as the power that money plays in these events.2 FIFA officials thus stand to make a lot of money by serving their own interests rather than the interests of fans.
The second fact is that Qatar, in return, is willing to open its wallet and spend whatever it takes for an opportunity to procure international influence. Massive oil and gas export revenues have made Qatar the fourth richest country in the world,3 and these revenues allow them to make massive investments in return for “a relatively cheap means of improving their image…and ability to exercise agency on the international stage.”2 Because despite the country’s incredible wealth, Qatar is very limited in the hard power it wields. So in order to become a bigger player in the international community, they’ve pursued what’s known as “sports diplomacy” to boost their country’s influence and visibility. An adviser close to the Qatari leader once stated that being in the International Olympic Committee was more important than being in the UN in the modern world.7 Thus, sports diplomacy may be more potent as a means of exerting international influence than at first glance.
In fact, sports diplomacy has been deliberately and strategically employed throughout history as a means of subverting traditional diplomatic channels and creating a favorable international image.2 Sports are a universal language much like music and art, and with such large audiences, they can offer informal diplomatic pathways and provide an opportunity for a country to amplify its values, culture, and message. Historical examples of sports diplomacy include the Cold War Ping Pong diplomacy between the United States and China, India-Pakistan cricket diplomacy, and North and South Korea sending a joint women’s hockey team to the 2018 Olympics. In the Middle East, Dubai’s royal family buying Manchester City has been the biggest sports diplomacy success for oil-rich Gulf states. Further, Saudi Arabia’s creation of the LIV golf tour in the wake of the Khashoggi Scandal is the most recent high-profile example in the Middle East, though the success of that attempt is not yet determined.
In an effort to replicate these successes, Qatar’s Vision 2030–unveiled two years before the 2010 World Cup announcement–calls for ambitious efforts to grow the country’s sports sector. And they have done just that. BeIN Sports, headquartered in Qatar’s capital of Doha has come to “dominate broadcasting rights for major sports competitions and leagues” and has been increasing its expansion into Europe, North America, and Asia. Most recently, they hosted the 2019 IAAF World Athletics Championship, which also posed numerous challenges for Qatar. Stadiums were empty, and despite playing in air-conditioned stadiums reprieving them of the extreme heat, athletes complained of stifling humidity and late-night events that jeopardized their health. These admonishments have diminished Qatar’s credibility as a sporting state and could foreshadow the outcome of the World Cup.
Qatar hopes to dispel these criticisms by hosting a successful World Cup, cementing its status as a top-tier sporting country, and gaining influence internationally. The prestige of hosting such an event will convey a message of modernization and progress, countering stereotypes of the region. The games will allow Qatar to distinguish itself from its more prominent neighbors, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, and will also allow them to contrast itself as more open, free, and respectful of human rights than their regional neighbors. This message of modernity will make Qatar more attractive to future sporting events and improve its international perception.
However, the country’s problematic history of labor exploitation is the biggest threat to Qatar’s capabilities as a sporting country and undermines its international reputation. Qatar’s population sits at just under 3 million, however, only 380,000 of that total are Qatari nationals. Migrant workers, primarily from South Asian countries, comprise the majority of their population. The country’s migrant worker population jumped from 1.6 million people in December 2010 to 2.7 million in October 2018 as the country geared up for the World Cup.1 These migrant workers make up 94% of Qatar’s labor force, and they are often exploited. Qatar relies on the Kafala system of labor, sponsorship-based employment that legally binds foreign workers to their employers and restricts their ability to change jobs.4 Employers also routinely confiscate the passports of workers and are required to sign an exit permit for the worker, restricting their freedom to leave the country. These repressive practices make it difficult to leave exploitative work environments.
The construction of the new stadiums and infrastructure–including $20 billion in roads, the longest bridge in the world to neighboring Bahrain, a new airport, and more–for the tournament in Qatar was largely carried out by migrant workers. Many expressed concerns that the treatment of workers for the World Cup would lead to intense international scrutiny and be a major blemish on the event, setting back Qatar’s efforts to convey a progressive image. In fact, those concerns were well founded. In 2013, three years after being awarded the bid, 44 Nepali workers were reported dead within two months. Amnesty International reports from 2013 and 2016 documented large-scale labor abuses and forced labor of construction workers involved in upgrading Qatar’s flagship Khalifa Stadium.4 In 2014, the UN Special Rapporteur on Migrant Rights also described how workers in the country faced frequent exploitation, low or no pay, and lived in substandard conditions and called for the sponsorship system to be abolished.4 As recently as 2018, Amnesty International released an investigation alleging that Mercury MENA, an engineering company involved in building vital infrastructure serving the city and stadium hosting the opening and the final matches of the 2022 World Cup, had left dozens of workers penniless and stranded.
Bans on working during peak heat times were also routinely ignored with World Cup organizers acknowledging that contractors had violated this ordinance. As a result of the unsafe conditions, hundreds of workers have died. Workplace injuries are the third highest cause of accidental deaths in Qatar, however since Qatar keeps no official record, the figures are disputed.5 The Nepali embassy reported that 191 workers had been reported dead in 2010, and 520 workers were estimated dead in 2012 including workers involved in World Cup project sites.6 A report from The Guardian states that 6,500 migrant workers have died in the country since the World Cup was awarded in 2010.
The egregious, repeated mistreatment of migrant workers has led to a chorus of voices and organizations leveling criticism against Qatar and FIFA and calling for boycotts of the tournament. Beyond just the mistreatment of vulnerable workers, Qatar’s human rights record is shoddy, to say the least. Homosexuality is strictly prohibited and criminalized in Qatar along with relationships outside of marriage, and any public displays of affection or drunkenness. Additionally, morality measures such as modest dressing and the prohibition of behavior deemed offensive are also restrictions on the civil liberties that are generally accepted in liberal democracies of the West. These restrictions, particularly for LBTQ+ individuals, have raised serious concerns about the decision to host the tournament in Qatar; and have also led to many criticisms from NGOs and international officials. Diplomats at the United States embassy in Qatar have warned that activities such as protests, criticism of the Qatari government or Islam, or even just arguing with or insulting others in public could lead to arrest and may be criminally prosecuted there.7
As a result, several French cities including Paris have announced that they will be boycotting this World Cup. They will not be setting up the fan zones where spectators gather to watch the matches together, despite France being the reigning World Cup champions. These boycotts in protest of Qatar’s human rights record have also spilled over into cities in Germany and Belgium. Denmark’s Football Association has revealed their alternate uniforms for the tournament will be all black in mourning for the thousands of migrant workers that have died constructing World Cup venues. Many fan groups that normally follow the teams they support to the tournament have also boycotted the event this year, notably including the LGBTQ+ England fan group out of concerns for safety. Qatar has been rated as the second most dangerous country for LGBTQ+ travelers and the only openly gay player to participate in a World Cup, Josh Cavallo of Australia, has expressed his fears for safety as well as his desire for Qatar to establish a lasting legacy of reform following the World Cup. German, Danish, and Dutch teams have worn shirts in warmups to protest Qatar’s human rights record, and as the tournament draws nearer, top players and managers have made statements directly criticizing FIFA and Qatar.
Qatar has slammed these criticisms and pointed to the reforms they have put in place amidst immense international pressure. In a statement, the country’s emir complained that no host country has ever had to face this amount of criticism. He also lamented that despite their best efforts to listen and address concerns and criticisms, the campaign against Qatar has “reached an amount of ferocity that made many wonder…about the real reasons and motives behind this campaign.”8
The emirate’s defenders point to the landmark labor reforms that have been introduced in recent years. In 2017, the country signed an agreement with the UN’s International Labor Organization (ILO), establishing an ILO office in Doha and collaborating on wide-ranging labor reforms. The government subsequently passed several pieces of legislation to better protect migrant workers, including setting a temporary minimum wage, introducing protections for domestic workers, setting up new committees to investigate claims of abuse, and establishing a support fund for workers4. The country still did not abolish the Kafala system which many claim to be at the center of the abuse, however, they did reform it, removing the requirement to obtain an exit permit from an employer.
The secretary-general for Qatar 2022 also rebuked these criticisms, pointing out that the ILO lauded their labor reforms as historic, and that the International Trade Union Confederation considers Qatar’s updated laws as a benchmark for the region.8 Organizers have also sought to reassure international audiences regarding human rights concerns. FIFA and their Qatari partners have pledged that LGBTQ+ fans and fans of all backgrounds will be welcomed and that holding hands and pride flags would be tolerated.
As a result of the controversies and tragedies that have shrouded the 2022 World Cup, excitement is muted. Many observers wonder whether Qatar’s “sportwashing” stunt has backfired. Instead of coming off as progressive and modern, Qatar has been lambasted with negative publicity surrounding its cruelty to migrant workers and its restrictions on personal liberties. Bruce Riedel of the Brookings Institution notes that what happened during the building of football stadiums is getting more attention than the games themselves. Many have declared that Qatar’s World Cup ambitions have backfired on them. Rather than gain prestige, they have only garnered negative headlines. They have increased their visibility, but largely among a hostile audience of climate, LGBTQ+, labor rights, and human rights activists taking issue with the treatment of vulnerable groups in the country. Rather than improve their stature and gain soft power within the international community, they have received immense international backlash and instead face soft disempowerment. However, it may be too soon to write Qatar’s publicity stunt off as a failure.
International scrutiny will be heightened throughout the event, however, if Qatar lives up to its promises of being welcoming and accepting of all backgrounds throughout the entirety of the tournament, it may be able to present itself as more open and free than they have been portrayed recently. An uneventful tournament would be favorable for Qatar and would allow them to reframe their image more positively, as was intended from the beginning. Qatar may also be able to find redemption on the international stage as many economies suffer from exorbitant energy costs caused by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and subsequent sanctions on Russian oil. Qatar’s bountiful oil and gas reserves provide an opportunity to win influence and develop formidable friendships with global hegemons such as the United States who are seeking to lower energy costs and combat inflation. Despite the controversies surrounding the World Cup, Qatar still has the ability to increase their international prestige.
